Made by a Rascally Writing Master: Manuscripts of “The Beginning, Progress, and End of Man”

This year Cotsen acquired three manuscript turn-ups  of “The Beginning, Progress, and End of Man,” a rhymed bit of religious doggerel with metamorphic pictures which was virtually unknown until the research of Penn State Professor Jacqueline Reid-Walsh established that it was in circulation from the end of the English Civil War until late in the nineteenth century.  It survives mostly in versions made by American, English, and Scottish children with their engaging illustrations, a subject of a previous post.This category of manuscripts is usually considered a kind of outside art by children, but this new group of related ones, prove that some were made by professional artists.  Two of the three are signed and priced by Salathiel Court, a writing master.

Salathiel Court signature in the Fisher manuscript turn up

Court signature in the Fisher manuscript turn up.

Signature of Salathiel Court on the Dixon family copy of a manuscript turn up.

Court’s signature with the price of 2 shillings.

The vertical format of his turn ups is somewhat unusual. The more usual horizontal orientation allows for folding the sheet into panels with flaps and opening one at a time until the entire sequence is revealed.  All three of these new acquisitions are stitched into in stiff drab paper wrappers with leather backstrips; two have flaps with “buttonholes” for the fasteners opposite.  They are similar enough to suggest that Court may have sold his handiwork bound.The three manuscript turn ups in stiff paper coversOne was produced before 1753, when a William Fisher wrote his name in it.

William Fisher's dated signature in a Salathiel Court manuscript turn up of The Beginning End and Progress of Man.

Fisher’s dated signature

The brightly colored illustrations are spirited, the lion and eagle being two of the best.

The lion in the Fisher manuscript turn up

The lion in the Fisher manuscript turn up

The eagle and baby in the Fisher manuscript turn up

The eagle and the baby in the Fisher manuscript turn up

The rich man in the Fisher manuscript turn up

The rich man in the Fisher manuscript turn up.

It is an understatement to say that second of the Court turn ups was almost loved to death.  Most of the folds are over stitched to keep them from falling apart.   Although not quite as detailed or vigorous as the figures in the William Fisher turn up, they are clearly by the same hand.

The lion in the Dixon manuscript turn up

The lion in the Dixon manuscript turn up

The eagle and baby in the Dixon manuscript turn up

The eagle and baby in the Dixon manuscript turn up

The rich man in the Dixon family manuscript turn up

The rich man in the Dixon family manuscript turn up

The flap illustrated with the mermaid’s tail has the signatures of the children John and Hannah Dixon, probably members of a well-known Hexhamshire, Northumberland family.  Signatures of an Edward and Robert Dixon are written elsewhere. Children's signatures in the Dixon manuscript turn upThe third example was made by Martin Bell in 1836; it was sold with the Dixon one.  It rather looks as if Martin copied the Dixon family copy, but added his own touches.

The signature sheet of the Martin Bell manuscript turn up of The Beginning Progress and Eng of Man

Martin Bell’s signature sheet

Martin Bell's drawing of the skeleton

Martin Bell’s drawing of the skeleton

The skeleton in the Dixon manuscript turn up

The skeleton in the Dixon manuscript turn up.

Who was their creator, Salathiel Court?  More than a little something is known about him because he was a “very singular and eccentric character” who rated a section in Bulmer’s History & Directory of Cumberland (1801).   Perhaps if he had not had an extraordinary turn for wit and humour,” he would not have tumbled precipitously into vagabondry, running up debts and associating with “low company.”   Being a thirsty man, he was “a living sign of dissipation,” sometimes creating signboards for inns and pubs—whether to pay outstanding bills or to get drinking money is unknown.  A  story about a job painting a lion signboard survives:

He requested to be allowed to represent it chained, but the man would not go to the expense  of such a security. Salathiel, to punish the parsimony of the host, painted the sign in water colours, so that on the first shower of rain…the lion vanished. Being accused of unfair dealing, he replied that “the lion had indeed run away, but it was what might be expected in a wild beast – without a chain.”

During a stint as the town crier, he attracted crowds with this public announcement about a lost wallet:

A big, fat Frenchman lost his purse,
And he can’t find it, which is worse;

He that lost it, let him seek it,
He that found it, let him
keep it.”

The Frenchman’s English wasn’t good enough to understand the joke and kept whispering to Court “Ce bien, dat well.”  The man recovered his purse in spite of Court’s waggery.  One wonders how long he kept that job.

What brought Court down was the performance of illegal marriages, such as unions between people related by marriage. One such couple came before the magistrate, who demanded a copy of the missing marriage certificate.  When the husband asked Court for another one, he quoted a quip by Jonathan Swift about a clandestine marriage he performed:

Behind this hedge in stormy weather,
I joined this —– and rogue together,
Let none but He that rules the thunder,
Part this —– and rogue asunder.

Eventually the officials caught up with Court and in the summer of 1760 he was sentenced to be deported to America for fourteen years.  After that Court’s trail in Ancestry Library goes cold.

Collect Them All, Kids: Colonialism and Promotional Giveaways about Africa

Funny Jungleland Moving Pictures. Battle Creek, Mich.: W. K. Kellogg, c1909. (Cotsen 4419)

Once upon a time, cereal shopping was an adventure. While mother made the circuit of the aisles, her child disappeared to the cereal section to decide which one had the best giveaway.  The cereal manufacturers were hoped to make the child pine for all their promised prizes so he or she would ask to buy more boxes of their products, supposedly creating brand loyalty. When mother arrived, negotiations began about what brand her darling wanted versus what she was willing to buy, having given in before and seen boxes of untouched cereal stripped of the prizes going stale on the shelf.  We can give thanks to the Kellogg Company of Battle Creek, Michigan for putting the first promotional giveaway for children, Funny Jungleland Moving Pictures (1909), in boxes of cornflakes.

European corporations also have used this diabolical advertising strategy in the promotion of food products to children.  Several ambitious examples of collectible premiums about Africa were added to Cotsen’s collection of advertising ephemera because they looked like an underused source for studying how corporations doing business in particular countries presented to children those cultures formerly under European control.

Africorama was a promotional giveaway ca. 1967 for Petit-Exquis cookies by the L’Alsacienne brand, which had been baking the buttery treats since the 1920s.  The cookie box contained a color enamel metal flag of an African nation. There were two sets, 20 representing the Muslim countries of Africa, and 28 for the “pays noirs” or Black countries. The set in Cotsen has all of the flags except for the Rhodesian one.  Most of the copies coming on the market are seriously defective, so it is unusual to have one so complete.  On the picture of the cookie box to the left, the metal tabs of the flags can be seen. The metal flags were supposed to be displayed on a  folded, perforated cardboard sheet illustrated by Wilquin.  The flags came with the cookies, but the child-collector had to write away for the sheets if they were to be displayed.  The set for the Muslim countries features a full-length portrait of a Berber Tuareg warrior, a Bantu warrior on the Black one. The back of the cardboard display has a big illustrated advertisement for Petit-Exquis cookies, but no clues why L’Alsacienne was issuing such an elaborate giveaway.

The second example of a French promotional giveaway, La collection La Vache qui Rit, also dates from the 1960s.  The semi-soft cheese had been sold in Africa since the 1930s and the continent remains a big market for the product.  Tucked into the little circular cardboard packages containing the cheese were illustrated cards the same size and shape. The child determined to acquire a complete set had to convince his mother to purchase over 200 boxes of cheese. I suspect many mothers were of two minds about that unless her family consumed a great deal of La Vache qui Rit anyway.  Similar to Africorama, single cards and one or the other of the display sheets are not hard to come by, a set as large as this takes persistence and time to accumulate.

The cards, none of which are signed by the artist, are in French and Dutch.  They illustrate in rather attractive detail African animals, arts and crafts, indigenous costumes, and relations between the European colonizers and native Africans in the Belgian Congo. The cards could be stood up for display if cut along the indicated lines on the front and folded as directed. The pictures are captioned, but there is no explanatory text on the back: they are blank. The subjects are quite intriguing; surely many children would have been curious to learn more about what they saw. To look at these cards, no one would have any idea that the Congo had been roiled by political turmoil since it was granted independence by Belgium in 1960.To understand why these two French corporations produced such attractive, elaborate promotional giveaways, one needs to know something about the history of European corporate investment in Africa during the twentieth century.   Have economists studied this phenomenon to learn more about how corporate strategies for increasing market share at home and possibly abroad devised these sets?  Who came up with the ideas?  Who was responsible for the projects, which could not have executed quickly or cheaply.   Was there a motive other than an economic one for making these giveaways?

How might the presentation of Africa in these promotions might have affected French children and African children living in France or abroad?  When were French children taught about the history of their country’s colonization of Africa?   Would they have been exposed to news about Africa in the press, radio, and television? What attitudes towards non-European people were reflected in the illustrations? How would they have compared with those in school books, leisure reading, or the media?  Would children have heard similar or different views expressed by the adults in their families?   And do reminiscences of collecting promotional giveaways as children survive?  Is collecting this kind of ephemera bound up with nostalgia in the same way as it is in America?